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side (mainly by Americans), told with candour,
humour and insight.
Compared with the mainly Sunni Arab provinces north and west of Baghdad, Mr Stewart s mainly Shia
area in Maysan was mild. But he makes it plain, without wringing his hands or denigrating the locals, that
the culture of violence along with tribal and religious intrigue make it unthinkable for Western democratic
values to take root any time soon. He sought to appoint provincial councils, governors and police chiefs,
but most of his constituents had no concept of democratic procedure. “If they make any trouble,�
explained one leading politician of a rival group, “we together will kill them.�“If you put my cousin on the
provincial council,�explained another local bigwig, “I will slit his throat.�“Seyyid Rory, you don t
understand,�complained another. “How do you make a prisoner talk if you don t torture him?�Though in
no way f fuel dispenser lippant or sneering, Mr Stewart makes it plain that the neo-conservative agenda in such areas is
absurd.
Messrs Stewart and Ajami make glum reading. By contrast, a slim volume by one of Britain s leading
diplomatic Arabists, Mark Allen, is an amiable and in many ways more useful guide. Knighted for—among
other things—his apparently key part in persuading Libya s Muammar Qaddafi to give up his programme
to build nuclear weapons, Sir Mark, a long-serving member of MI6, Britain s external intelligence service,
offers a thoughtful potpourri of observations on the Arab psyche and identity. Acknowledging that “a
systematic technique for dealing with contradictions and dissent�is woefully lacking in the Arab world, he
also str fuel dispenser esses that the old-fashioned bonds of blood, tribe, religion and pan-Arab identity tend to govern
behaviour and can, if subtly addressed, be woven to good effect. Politics is still necessarily personal and
clan-based; antipathy to fitnah (social discord and strife) makes it hard to envisage a peaceful
institutionalisation of adversarial politics. The fuel dispenser